Russo-Ukraine War's Impact on Buryatia

The myth "of Putin's military Buryats" was already circulating in the media before the beginning of Russia's full-scale invasion on Ukraine. The legacy of imperial propaganda and its Soviet transformations shaped the orientation of the enemy's image into a habitual one. In propaganda's cultural uprising - beginning from the visualization of epics about Ilya Muromets, non-Slavs are always antagonists. The monstrousness of crimes in Bucha seemed to have come across another myth of this propaganda heritage - the myth of brotherly peoples. It was most likely easier for Ukraine citizens to believe that the responsibility for numerous civilian murders lies with the "Others" - Buryats, Chechens, Bashkirs and countless other non-Russians - than with "similar" Russians. Thus, the myth of "combat Buryats" has laid the foundation for a large-scale hyper-representation of the Buryats.

In September 2022, partial mobilization became one of the most powerful catalysts for anti-war and decolonial activism - both among the residents of Buryatia and among the residents of other regions. Anti-war activists tirelessly worked to overcome chaos and confusion. Indigenous Russian non-profits "Free Yakutia," "Oirad Jisan," "New Tuva," "Akbuzat," and "Asians of Russia" were also involved in mutual assistance. However, it became obvious that in repressive situations against civil activists, there wasn't sufficient resources for mutual support. Fears of expressing anti-war views and supporting acts of resistance were a direct consequence of the authoritarian regime, which for decades has cultivated in the non-central regions of Russia. In addition to direct repressions, the totalitarian regime has endlessly produced distrust, fears of denunciations, and fears of seeking solidarity, as well as fostering misinformation.

War and mobilization expose unprecendented levels of economic and territorial inequality, experienced by residents of Russia's non-central regions. While men from large settlements - primarily from Ulan-Ude - are aware of their rights and their potential to avoid mobilization, the agenda to the front in rural areas is perceived inevitable. Moreover, local officials involved in the mobilization are guided by strict rules, handing out summonses to men from the least wealthy families, whose relatives won't be able to afford hiring lawyers.

The mobilization was directed primarily against the male Buryat population. However, resistance to mobilization has sparked various issues, in which the solution is often associated with women's experiences. It was Buryat women who sought logistical options, emotional support for the departed, and emotional connections. In such circumstances, women's experiences often go unnoticed.

The war tends to discursively connect with "men's business." Even World War II is known as "domestic," although the object of protection was the "motherland" ("Mother Russia"). In this masculinized discourse on war, the role of women, female work remains in the background. Although the close connection between patriarchy and militarism is recognized unconditionally, Russian colonialism is rarely analyzed through the prism of patriarchy.